It has been almost three months since the interim government took office. During this period, he took several notable steps, including the formation of various commissions to begin the process of reforming key sectors and the suspension of the Energy Sector Compensation Act, steps widely seen as positive. There are, however, many other tasks that should be prioritized. It is surprising that to date there is no official list of dead and injured from the July uprising. The student-led protests grew into a broader grassroots movement, joined by citizens from all walks of life. The participation of the working class was particularly significant. Many of the victims come from the world of work. Many injured people are now finding it difficult to continue their medical care. They were waiting for state support. Faster action should have been taken in this regard.

There appears to be a tendency to overlook the central role of workers during the uprising, as their demands have not received the attention they deserve. For example, after the 18-point agreement among employers, textile workers and the government, it was clearly stipulated that all unpaid wages would be settled. But many factories have not respected this commitment; some factories even closed their doors without warning. When workers raise concerns and demand their dues, they are often met with violent reactions, such as shootings, that result in casualties. A 25-year-old RMG workerwho had joined the ongoing protest demanding payment of salaries overdue for several months, was recently shot and died from her injuries. Yesterday again, two garment workers were shot dead during a violent clash with security forces in the Mirpur area of ​​Dhaka. It is disheartening to see that although any student mobilization receives some sympathy from the government, workers are met with force when demanding their rights. We hope that the government will take appropriate measures to address these concerns.

Meanwhile, political complexities appear to have diverted the current administration’s attention to other areas. One of those questions concerns recent statements made by the president. A clear response to his remarks could have been the publication of Sheikh Hasina’s resignation letter. If this is not feasible, then a solution must be sought through dialogue with political parties. Some public organizations have also made demands and put forward demands, indicating that internal contradictions may be looming. Rather than allowing instability to develop from these contradictions, the government should quickly engage in discussions with political parties and take decisive action by consensus.

While BCL members who engaged in criminal activities should undoubtedly be brought to justice, it is also crucial to hold to account those from the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their own benefit. However, the current process of prosecuting individuals associated with the previous regime lacks transparency. Complaints are filed in which the main culprits are not precisely identified, raising the possibility that the real culprits will escape justice or that the seriousness of the allegations will be diminished.

One of these quick decisions was the recent ban on the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League. This ban was a demand of the anti-discrimination student movement, which called for the dissolution of the BCL. Often seen as a militant branch of the Awami League, the BCL has acquired a reputation for engaging in criminal activities: extortion, manipulation of tenders, harassment of university students and even operating torture cells in dormitories . The organization’s presence in many communities became synonymous with oppression, serving the interests of the Awami League to maintain power, and this image was deliberately cultivated by the Awami League government.

While BCL members who engaged in criminal activities should undoubtedly be brought to justice, it is also crucial to hold to account those from the previous regime who empowered the BCL for their own benefit. However, the current process of prosecuting individuals associated with the previous regime lacks transparency. Complaints are filed in which the main culprits are not precisely identified, leading to the possibility that the real culprits will escape justice or the seriousness of the allegations will be diminished. This approach raises questions about the credibility of the judicial process.

The decision to ban a political entity could also prove counterproductive. Banning a political group does not eliminate its ideology. Although the organization may no longer be legally active, its ideas and activities could continue underground, with the potential for a resurgence. For example, during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, Jamaat-e-Islami was not officially banned but faced similar restrictions in practice. But his ideology persisted, and today it reemerges even stronger. Thus, simply banning an organization does not eliminate its influence; on the contrary, it obscures its true nature and may even arouse public sympathy.

Politics at our public universities has also shown that whichever party comes to power, its student wing becomes dominant and oppressive, using the university administration to advance its goals. The government uses these student groups to exert control on campuses, as seen with the Awami League’s BCL, the BNP’s Chhatra Dal, Jamaat’s Islami Chhatra Shibir, and the Ershad-era Chhatra Samaj .

To avoid a return to authoritarianism or fascism, it is crucial to strengthen democratic processes. This includes promoting democratic dialogue, ensuring transparency and accountability in governance, and respecting the rule of law. When institutions become functional and accountable, and when exemplary sanctions are imposed on offenders, the foundations of authoritarianism weaken. Additionally, increased public participation in governance can create a resilient barrier against any potential return of anti-democratic forces.

If the government ignores the demands of the majority working class or calls for justice across various social divisions, and relies solely on coercion, it risks paving the way for authoritarianism. Brutal tactics, threats and coercive laws only contribute to the re-emergence of undemocratic practices. The main aspiration of the uprising was to build a “new Bangladesh without discrimination”, and to achieve this, the focus must be on necessary reforms.

Reducing the price of essential goods and ensuring that they remain within the reach of ordinary citizens is very important at this time. Ending anti-people deals in sectors like energy is essential to lay the foundation for this new vision for Bangladesh. It’s not just a matter of replacing one version of BCL with another. True transformation means breaking away from trends that are synonymous with oppression.

As Monorom Polok said.

Anou Mohammed is a former professor of economics at Jahangirnagar University.

The opinions expressed in this article are those of the author.

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